"We are very proud of Bidenomics."
Swing state voters saw Kamala Harris's endorsement of Biden's economic policies many, many times in Trump's campaign ads. The clip was not only cringeworthy in retrospect. Harris seemed to be cringe laughing at the time, as if to say: "Okay, we know there is no systematic economic philosophy called Bidenomics but we are having some goofy fun with this."
In the wake of the 2024 election, one rare point of universal agreement among political analysts was that voters were not proud of Bidenomics. Hearing that inflation motivated Trump support, political analysts once again discovered that: "It's the economy, stupid." Post-election commentators asserted that pre-election commentators had overstated Trump's existential threat to democracy. Some took Trump's electoral gains across demographic groups as proof that his appeal lay in promises to fix the economy rather than in nativist rhetoric or authoritarian ambitions.
This was not Trump's interpretation. On the campaign trail, he was irritated with advice that he should focus on economic policy. His Madison Square Garden rally was awash in racial, religious, and nationalist grievance. His proposed cabinet appointments are a motley crew of characters whose primary job qualification is to own the libs.
The reality is that while post-election analysis often fixes on an issue, there is no one thing that motivates voters. Some were drawn to Trump's offensive style while others were repulsed. While Trump made inroads among African American voters, most rejected him. The gender gap suggests that abortion along with Trump's misogynist rhetoric influenced many women.
People voted for Trump for different, and even contradictory, reasons. His coalition was made up of at least three groups. The first was his base, the loyal Trump supporters variously described as illiberal, or populist, or nationalist, or fascist, or MAGA, or just plain patriotic. The second are Republicans who are no fans of Trump but would not vote Democrat. The third are swing voters who were unhappy with Bidenomics.
Despite their votes, members of the second and third groups often share the view that Trump is a terrible human being. Even many in Trump's base distinguish between their political support and their disapproval of his personal immorality and offensive speech. As I have argued previously, Trump's profane style and willingness to flout democratic norms dramatizes the moral impoverishment of politics to people convinced that liberalism has destroyed the government and that emergency measures are required to protect faith, family, and nation.
Harris's warning against fascism backfired by reinforcing Trump's brand as a profane and immoral strongman who defied ordinary democratic politics to fix the economy and broken government. This could have been especially true for late deciding voters who had not yet decided who to vote for, but had decided that Trump was a bad person.